If the mention of the small South Asia nation Bhutan brings any reaction
to the reader, most likely it is a positive one. This is deservedly so, the
country has been at the forefront of Gross National Happiness, an alternative
to standard measures of GDP to indicate how well a country is performing. This
has brought much scholarly intrigue and importantly examines the limitations of
strictly using GDP. Bhutan is also seen as a paragon of transition from absolute
monarchy to flourishing democracy. These are all things which deserve to be
commended.
Unfortunately, Bhutan also has a more sinister history. This regards the
much less publicized plight of its refugees. These refugees largely consist of
people from the south of the country known as Lhotshampas. These are people of Nepali decent. They started crossing
into the porous border in the late 1800s with large immigration throughout the
1900s, largely coming to Bhutan to work in low skill jobs. To stem the tide of
immigration the government passed a law in 1958 claiming that only those who
could prove their presence in Bhutan at least 10 years prior could become
citizens, while also closing the border to all new Nepali migrants. This was massively
ineffective and numbers of Lhotshampas swelled with a government that
maintained little interest in actively policing the inflow of migrants. Things
started to change in the late 1980s however. The beginning of the “one-nation
one-people” policy marked this shift. This started when the first census in
Bhutan, carried out in 1988, showed how large the Lhotshampas numbers were. They
accounted officially for 28% of the population, unofficially numbers were
likely as high as 30-40%. The reaction to this information was swift. Most
Lhotshampas were labeled illegal immigrants according to the aforementioned
1958 law being applied to the information from this census. The government
instituted efforts at targeting Lhotshampa culture in line with the “one-nation
one-people” idea. Mandatory wearing of the Driglam
Namzha, the national dress code that is used by the Bhutanese majority in the
north, but was alien to these southerners, was instituted. In addition, schools
were no longer allowed to teach in Nepali and replaced it with Dzongkha language which most Lhotshampas could not understand.
Mass deportations then ensued. All this was met by violent ethnic unrest, and
the calling for democracy and respect for minority rights on the part of the
Lhotshampas. Brutal ethnic violence on both sides continued until 1993, with
the Bhutanese army often forcing Lhotshampas to sign “Voluntary Migration Forms”
stating their willingness to leave or coerced videotapes to the same effect to
avoid international backlash.
These refugees largely settled in
refugee camps in Nepal. These camps ended up taking over 100,000 refugees in,
equivalent to 1/6 of Bhutan’s population. On a per capita basis this is one of
the largest refugee populations ever. Nepal, despite stoking the violence and
calling the violent Lhotshampa groups freedom fighters, refused to allow
refugees to settle in Nepal, and was hesitant in even establishing the camps.
Bhutan refused to take them back viewing them as non-citizens. Years of bilateral
discussions between these two countries got nowhere. In 2001 this was meant to
be rectified when Bhutan said it would take some refugees, but to this day not
a single refugee has been repatriated to Bhutan. Bhutan’s unwillingness to take
back their refugees, despite the rhetoric is clear. The process has been so
slow that even the UN, notorious for inefficiency and a glacial pace, decided
that another option would be needed. In 2008 the UNHCR (UN High Commissioner
for Refugees) elected to start third country resettlement, largely to nations
such as the US, Canada and Australia.
At the beginning of this year only around 34,000 refugees remained in
Nepalese camps, the rest having been resettled. Though even there concerns
remain. A recent report by the USA Center for Disease Control and Prevention
noticed an alarmingly high suicide rate among Bhutanese refugees. Reasons for
this include language barriers, worries about family at home and alarmingly
high levels of PTSD, depression and anxiety. One thing is clear, whether it is
the initial deportation, Nepal’s unwillingness to allow these refugees to reside
in Nepal, or the West’s need to provide considerably more support, blame is
widespread for the plight of these oft forgotten people. Lhotshampas have not
benefited from the very democracy in Bhutan they first called for decades ago,
nor, unfortunately, do they appear to have been calculated in anyone’s
definition of Gross National Happiness.